Chad

Madam President of the General Assembly,

Ladies and gentlemen Heads of State and Government,

Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations,

Due to constraints related to the national agenda, Marshal Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, President of the Republic of Chad, Head of State, who had intended to take part in this important United Nations gathering, was unable to travel to New York.

He wishes to express his sincere regrets for this absence and has charged me with delivering his message, which reaffirms Chad's commitment to the principles of multilateralism and the sovereignty of peoples.

I therefore have the distinct honor of reading before this august Assembly the message of the President of the Republic of Chad, Head of State, and I quote:

"Madam President of the General Assembly,

Ladies and gentlemen Heads of State and Government,

Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations,

Allow me, at the outset of my remarks, to give thanks to God Almighty, source of wisdom and strength, who has enabled us to gather in a spirit of dialogue to address the challenges of our time and our world, foremost among them development issues, as well as concerns for international peace and security.

I wish to extend our congratulations to Ms. Annalena Baerbock, President of the 80th session of the General Assembly, on her election, and to assure her of my country's full support in the fulfillment of her mandate.

Likewise, I would like to express our profound thanks to Ambassador Philémon Yang, outgoing President, for his brilliant leadership of the previous session.

I would also like to express our sincere appreciation and full support to Secretary-General Mr. António Guterres for his tireless efforts to keep high the torch of multilateralism, embodied by the UN, whose mission — indeed whose very reason for being — is being severely tested by the numerous challenges of the moment that continue to assail this common foundation of humanity from every side.

Madam President,

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

I stand before this august Assembly bearing the weight of history and the strength of a deep conviction: the United Nations, 80 years after its birth amid the pain of wars, must today be reborn in the truth of our hopes.

This year's chosen theme — "Better Together: 80 years and more for peace, development and human rights" — is more than a celebration. It is a challenge. An invitation to re-examine the role, the relevance, and above all the political and moral legitimacy of our common Organization.

It would be unfair to deny the UN's historic achievements. It has helped preserve world peace, oversee decolonization, advance human rights, and provide a framework for multilateral cooperation.

Nevertheless, it must be stressed that 80 years after its creation, the UN remains far from having accomplished the objectives assigned to it by the Charter.

Despite the undeniable progress noted above, it must be acknowledged that the UN has never been so disappointing, notably because of its inability to stop the deadly conflicts that continue to rage in many parts of the world.

In Africa, in Asia, in South America, distrust is growing.

Because too often, this Organization's major decisions seem to serve the interests of a few great powers to the detriment of the aspirations of the countries of the South.

Because the Security Council remains a frozen, postwar structure, in which Africa, cradle of a fifth of humanity, remains excluded from any permanent representation.

Because sanction and intervention mechanisms are selective, and outrage sometimes seems geographically conditioned.

We must have the courage to say it here, without detour: the United Nations' peacekeeping missions have sometimes failed their promises and their duty.

Whether in Haiti, in the Central African Republic, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, or in Mali, Blue Helmets have, in certain cases, been accused of inaction, or even of conduct contrary to the very principles of the Organization they embody.

How can we understand that, instead of protecting, some have been complicit in violations?

How can we explain that after decades of presence, conflicts persist, and even worsen?

These failures, sometimes tragic, erode the UN's legitimacy on the ground and in people's hearts.

It is imperative that peacekeeping operations be reformed in depth, evaluated transparently, and refocused on their fundamental mission: protecting civilian populations.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

For more than seven decades, the world has watched, powerless, a human and political tragedy. I am speaking of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The current situation in Gaza, marked by indiscriminate bombardment, thousands of civilian deaths, and the systematic destruction of vital infrastructure, constitutes a collective failure of the international community.

This is no longer a "conflict"; it is a humanitarian scandal and a moral challenge without precedent.

The simmering war between Israel and Iran, regional tensions, and the UN's inability to impose a lasting solution endanger not only the stability of the Middle East, but above all peace in the world.

As long as justice has not triumphed in Jerusalem and in Gaza, there will be no peace of conscience here in New York.

As long as international law is flouted in Palestine, it will be weakened everywhere else.

We call, as we have every year for decades, for the effective recognition of the Palestinian state within the 1967 borders; the immediate end of illegal settlements; and a political solution guaranteeing the coexistence of two viable, free, and secure states.

In this regard, my country welcomes the adoption, by a very large majority, of the New York Declaration on Palestine of 12 September 2025, which constitutes a historic step forward and a major milestone in the quest for a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace in the Near East.

Our collective duty, from this moment forward, is to turn this strong declaration into concrete acts and to make the hope of the Palestinian people a reality.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

In the area of development, the UN struggles to generate the great collective surge indispensable to translating international agendas into reality, foremost among them the 2030 Agenda.

With five years remaining before this fateful deadline, more than 4 trillion dollars will need to be mobilized annually to close the development financing gap in poor countries.

In this regard, the "Seville Commitment" undoubtedly constitutes the last chance to move from words to action in order to accelerate the implementation of the SDGs.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Whether it concerns international peace and security, development, or climate action, the future of the multilateralism to which we are all committed is truly at stake.

This will require of us unfailing commitment, relentless determination, and more united and vigorous collective action in implementing the common objectives we have set for ourselves, such as the 2030 Agenda, the Seville Commitment, the Paris Agreement, the Pact for the Future, or indeed the Doha Programme of Action for LDCs, the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for Small Island Developing States, and the Awaza Programme of Action for landlocked developing countries.

Yes, the success of the UN will also and above all be measured by our collective capacity to help vulnerable countries, such as African countries and countries in special situations, meet these challenges so that no one is left behind.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Despite legitimate frustrations with the UN in light of the challenges that keep multiplying and growing more complex by the day, it is equally certain that the world has never needed the UN and multilateralism more, so much are these challenges only able to be understood and addressed through consultation, cooperation, and collective action.

The aspirations of the peoples of the world to a peaceful life, a healthy planet, equitable opportunities for well-being and prosperity in respect of everyone's human rights, including the right to live with dignity in a just, equitable, and secure society, cannot be fully assured except through multilateralism.

It is therefore rightly that the enthusiasm generated by the "Pact for the Future" and the "Seville Commitment" perfectly reflects this thirst for the UN. The UN therefore has no right to disappoint or betray the aspirations of the peoples of the world; we have no right to go it alone and break the collective momentum.

We are, of course, fully aware of the turbulence the world is currently experiencing due to the rise of unilateralist reflexes and geopolitical tensions.

It is in this context that development aid is undergoing drastic cuts, considerably affecting the most vulnerable countries and communities, but also severely striking the operations of the entire United Nations system.

UN agencies and entities have felt compelled to eliminate vital services that benefited the most vulnerable groups in the poorest countries and regions. Refugees, women, children, and the sick — notably those suffering from AIDS — found themselves overnight deprived of care or services without which their lives are in danger.

However, it is important to stress the absolute necessity of preserving what has been achieved by proceeding with meticulous care in carrying out this reform, so as not to end up dealing a fatal blow to what the UN holds most noble: assistance to the most vulnerable.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

The preservation and strengthening of the multilateralism we all call for also requires the long-awaited reform of global governance.

In this regard, my country calls for the rapid implementation of the Pact's recommendations, notably the reform of the international financial architecture and that of the UN through improved working methods and a strengthened General Assembly, but also and above all the reform of the Security Council, the urgency of which no longer needs to be demonstrated.

It goes without saying that if there is one body that crystallizes all frustrations, that symbolizes injustice, the policy of "double standards," and the UN's inability to meet the expectations of the world's peoples, it is indeed the Security Council.

It is unacceptable that Africa — cradle of humanity, the world's demographic engine, and strategic driver of the 21st century — remains marginalized in the upper echelons of international governance.

This exclusion is not merely a political aberration. It is a historic injustice. It must be remedied without delay.

For several years, Africa has consistently and with dignity demanded what is rightfully its due: two permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council, with veto rights, in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus.

This is neither a favor nor a concession. It is a demand for justice, representativeness, and coherence.

The world cannot claim peace, balance, and legitimacy so long as more than a billion human beings are kept away from decisions vital to the future of the planet.

Africa does not ask for permission. It asserts its voice, its vision, and its calling.

In Africa, many unfortunately share the conviction that the world shows a certain indifference to the misfortunes of Africans, and that the Security Council does no more than provide minimal service. Its numerous meetings devoted to the continent's problems often remain without much impact on the situation of populations.

There is no shortage of facts attesting to this feeling. For example, fourteen years have passed and Libya still finds itself in political deadlock, thus pushing peace ever further into the future.

In Sudan, civilian populations have been abandoned to their sad fate because the Security Council has neither been able nor willing to assume its responsibility of bringing the belligerents to a cessation of hostilities and a peaceful settlement of their disputes.

This inability of the Council to fully play its role as guarantor of international peace and security is one more reason to accelerate, without delay, its reform in order to adapt it to today's realities and make it more inclusive, more representative, more democratic, and therefore more effective.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

In a world of perpetual change, where interdependencies multiply and challenges transcend borders, my country, Chad, reaffirms from this podium a fundamental truth: the sovereignty of states remains the foundation of the international order.

Sovereignty is neither a privilege nor a concession. It is an inalienable right, enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, which guarantees to every people mastery of its destiny, the free determination of its political, economic, and cultural choices, and respect for its own identity.

In the concert of Nations, each state is a singular note that enriches global harmony. None should be reduced to silence, none should be compelled to uniformity.

Sovereignty is the very condition for dialogue, peace, and international justice.

That is why we call for more equitable global governance, in which the states of the South, emerging nations, and long-marginalized voices may fully exercise their right to speak, to decide, and to dignity.

Africa demands its legitimate place in global governance. The United Nations can no longer content itself with symbolic arrangements. A profound and equitable institutional overhaul is required.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

My country, Chad, the heart of Africa, is both witness and actor in the struggle for peace and security. It stands at the crossroads of all contemporary challenges: security, humanitarian, climate — but also of immense hopes for renewal.

Our country faces a persistent terrorist threat that destabilizes the Lake Chad Basin region.

Confronted with the Boko Haram terrorist sect, Chad received no outside support and had to bear the weight of this struggle alone.

This sacrifice of the sons of Chad, often carried out amid ingratitude, testifies to our country's commitment to peace and sub-regional security.

It is time for the international community to recognize this reality and to commit resolutely to the fight against terrorism and support for peace in Africa and beyond.

Beyond security, Chad faces the dramatic effects of climate disruption: desert encroachment, droughts, and natural disasters affect our food security and compromise our development.

We call for greater solidarity for equitable access to financing, green technologies, and vaccines, indispensable for building resilient and just societies.

In this context, it is urgent to strengthen efforts to preserve our ecosystem, particularly around the Lake Chad Basin, whose shrinkage directly threatens the lives of millions of people.

Chad and many countries in Africa emit almost no greenhouse gases, yet pay a heavy price for a crisis they did not cause. That is why we call for more equitable global governance in which Africa fully exercises its legitimate place. We plead for effective climate justice and equitable access to financing, green technologies, and vaccines.

Madam President,

Distinguished participants,

As you know, our country has definitively turned the page on political transition with the holding of presidential, legislative, provincial, communal, and senatorial elections.

Chad, a country that has known a turbulent political history and lives in a sub-regional environment marked by crises, conflicts, and wars, and constantly exposed to the risk of these scourges, emerged from this transition with its head held high.

Once again, our country managed to defy the most pessimistic forecasts, successfully completing its transition in a calm climate marked by dialogue and broad openness that prevailed from the beginning to the end of this process.

I wish, from this podium, to give thanks to God and pay tribute to the Chadian people, who made this unprecedented success possible.

We thank our partners, particularly the UN, for their decisive support. Thanks to this multifaceted assistance, Chad was able to take a major step toward democratic and inclusive governance.

I am confident that my compatriots will continue with this momentum, and that together we will win the battles we have undertaken in the post-transition period, namely: pursuing dialogue and national reconciliation, consolidating peace and national unity, defending our territory, and rising to the challenge of socio-economic development.

All these actions are anchored in the political program on the basis of which I was elected to the highest office in May 2024.

It is in this vein that the Government has just adopted the new National Development Plan (NDP) for the 2025–2030 period, entitled "Chad Connexion 2030."

Structured around four areas of intervention, "Chad Connexion 2030" aims to bring about a systemic and profound transformation of the Chadian economy and society.

To carry out this ambitious program, Chad plans to mobilize 30 billion US dollars, 46% of which is expected to come from private-sector investment.

I would like to take this opportunity to invite all our partners to the Resource Mobilization Round Table scheduled for 7 and 8 November next in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates.

Regarding the situation in Sudan, Chad expresses its deep concern over the war devastating that country and affecting the entire region, with incalculable humanitarian, socio-economic, environmental, and security consequences.

On the humanitarian front, for example, the situation in eastern Chad is extremely alarming. On numerous occasions, the Chadian government has sounded the alarm, as the needs of refugees on the ground suffer from a funding shortfall.

The impact of this humanitarian crisis on host populations is also considerable.

Today, the total number of Sudanese refugees and returnees reaches approximately two million people, more than a million and a half of whom have arrived since 15 April 2023.

In the East, West, and South, in several towns and villages, Sudanese, Nigerian, and Cameroonian refugees outnumber the local population, not counting the thousands of internally displaced persons, despite a crushing environmental and humanitarian cost.

Out of humanitarian and fraternal duty, we will continue to keep our doors open to welcome our Sudanese brothers and sisters in distress, fleeing the horrors of war.

But we cannot bear alone the heavy burden of this humanitarian emergency. I appeal once again to the international community to come to the aid of these destitute people and to assist Chad in facing these challenges.

Militarily, the continuation of hostilities in Sudan will only prolong the suffering of Sudanese civilian populations and worsen the humanitarian situation, both in the combat zones and in neighboring countries such as Chad, which continue to see new refugees arrive every day.

Chad deplores that the numerous calls for a ceasefire have gone unheeded and urges the parties to immediately cease hostilities, facilitate humanitarian access, and resume political dialogue.

We are convinced that the current crisis in Sudan cannot be resolved by weapons, but rather through peaceful means, through an inclusive inter-Sudanese dialogue aimed at achieving lasting peace.

Chad, which maintains a position of strict and constant neutrality in the ongoing conflict in Sudan, and which has always supported all peace efforts in that country, reaffirms its attachment to peace in Sudan and its readiness to contribute to any initiative aimed at promoting dialogue between the protagonists to put an end to this war, which has gone on far too long.

Regarding the situation in the sister Central African Republic, Chad welcomes the positive momentum toward the anchoring of peace, the strengthening of national reconciliation, and the socio-economic progress under way in that brotherly and neighboring country.

We salute the outstretched-hand policy of His Excellency President Faustin-Archange Touadéra, which enabled the return to the fold of former rebels thanks to the mediation Chad had the honor of leading.

We reaffirm Chad's attachment to peace and stability in the Central African Republic, with which we are bound by a shared destiny, and reiterate our readiness to spare no effort in supporting peace and reconciliation among our Central African brothers and sisters.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Beyond our region, Africa as a whole remains the continent that draws all attention, gripped in places by cyclical crises and marginalized in the bodies of global governance.

If the UN is to survive the coming decades, it must once again become the house of the peoples, not that of the powerful.

It must speak to the young people of the Sahel, to the mothers of Gaza, to the farmers of the Amazon, to the displaced of Sudan, to the refugees of Ukraine or Myanmar, with a single voice: that of shared humanity.

Better Together means recognizing our failures in order to better overcome them.

Better Together means admitting that no one holds a monopoly on truth, nor on pain.

Better Together means, finally, building an international system where every nation counts, and where every human life has the same value.

We therefore call on the UN to rediscover its soul, its voice, and its moral power.

Madam President,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Chad believes in peace. Chad believes in the UN. But more than that, Chad believes in humanity, because it is its cradle.

Because we are convinced that together, united in diversity, we can rise to the challenges of our time: changing the world, protecting fundamental rights, making peace prevail, and ensuring sustainable development for all."

Marshal Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno

President of the Republic of Chad, Head of State"

Thank you for your attention!